SPEECHES 


GEN.  J.  H.  LANE,  OF  KANSAS. 


Speech  of  General  Lane  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  July 

18,  1861. 

Mr.  President  :  I  represent  a  constituency  whose  rights  were  trampled 
under  foot  by  the  slave  oligarchy  of  this  country.  Fraud,  cruelty,  bar- 
barism, were  inflicted  on  them  by  that  power.  Although  thus  afflicted  by 
the  slave  power  of  this  country,  in  an  attempt  to  force  upon  us,  against 
our  will,  that  institution,  yet,  after  that  struggle  was  over,  we  were  willing 
to  stand  by  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution,  and  permit  slavery  to 
remain  undisturbed  in  the  States  where  it  existed.  An  attempt  is  now 
being  made  by  that  power  to  overthrow  the  Government — to  destroy  the 
Union.  They  have  brought  upon  us  the  conflict.  If,  in  that  conflict,  the 
institution  of  slavery  perish,  we  will  thank  God  that  he  has  brought  upon 
us  this  war.  We  wish  not  to  be  misunderstood.  We  would  have  stood  by 
the  compromises  of  the  Constitution,  and  permitted  slavery  to  exist  in  the 
States  where  it  was  planted ;  would  not,  by  word  or  act,  have  disturbed 
it ;  but  they  have  force  1  upon  us  this  struggle,  and  I,  for  one,  am  willing 
that  it  shall  be  followed  to  its  logical  conclusion. 

I  do  believe,  Mr.  President,  that  the  institution  of  slavery  will  not  sur- 
vive, in  any  State  of  this  Union,  the  march  of  the  Union  armies;  and  I 
thank  God  that  it  is  so.  It  is  an  institution  that  has  been  the  curse  of 
the  country  ever  since  my  recollection ;  these  Halls  have  been  accursed 
with  it;  the  people  of  the  States  where  it  exis':s  have  been  accursed  with 
it,  and  the  people  of  the  free  States  have  been  accursed  with  it.  I  respect 
the  gentlemen  who  represent  slave  States  upon  this  floor,  but  I  say  to  them 
that  my  experience  is,  that  the  institution  of  slavery  requires  from  its 
devotees  devotion — that  kind  of  devotion  which  makes  fiends  of  men. 
There  is  no  crime  that  the  devotees  of  slavery  will  not  commit  in  maintain- 
ing or  extending  it.  It  was  the  amusement  of  the  slave  oligarchy  of  Missouri 
to  stufi"  the  ballot-boxes  of  Kansas.  I  respect  the  Union  sentiment  and 
the  Union  men  of  Missouri ;  but  it  was  the  amusement  of  the  fillibusters 
of  Missouri  and  of  Alabairfa  and  of  Louisiana  and  of  Georgia  to  stufi"  the 
ballot-boxes  of  Kansas,  in  order  to  force  their  accursed  institution  upon 
us.  It  was  their  daily  practice  to  murder  unarmed,  helpless  prisoners, 
and  to  tear  from  reeking  heads  the  scalps  of  their  yet  living  victims.    It  was 


tbeir  common  practice  to  take  free-S^ate  men  who  were  from  slave  States, 
tie  tliem  to  iree-s,  and  deinandinjr  of  them  to  recant  their  free-S'ate  prin- 
ciples, to  cut  off  finger  by  fiiiti;er,  until  rbe  hands  wer*^  fingoiless,  and  then 
tie  them  to  stakes  and  riddle  them  to  death  with  buUe's.  And  iheo  this 
General  Government  was  used  to  force  slavery  upon  that  people.  Tiie 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  trampled  uuder  foot ;  the  Army  of 
the  United  States  wa*;  used  by  these  men  to  force  that  institution  upon  our 
people.  Not, one  word  was  heard  from  that  side  of  this  Chamber,  or  fr  im 
that  side  of  the  lower  House,  in  complaint.  The  Constitution  maybe 
trampled  under  foot  to  advance 'slavery,  to  force  it  upon  a  gilla'it  people ; 
but  when  the  President  of  the  United  Staes  exercises  exr,raoi-dinary 
authority,  within  the  Constitution,  in  my  opinion,  he  is  arraigned  here  by 
distinguished  gentlemen  as  having  outraged  that  instrumint  and  trampled 
it  under  foot ! 

Mr.  President,  I  said  that  I  disavow  any  intent  upon  the  part  of  the 
Government  or  its  Army  to  war  against  th'^  insrituriun  of  slavery.  I  said 
that  the  effect  of  marching  an  army  on  the  soil  of  any  slave  Sc:ite  will  be' 
to  instill  into  the  slaves  a  determined  purpose  to  free  rhem-;elvr^s  ;  and,  in 
my  opinion,  they  will  crush  out  evri^yc^»ing  that  stands  in  thtjw-yof 
acquiring  that  freedom.  I  said  to  the  S  mitor  from  Virginia  that,  in 
my  opinion,  there  would  be  a  colored  army  marching  our,  of  the  slave 
States  while  the  army  of  freedom  was  marching  in.  When  I  §ay  that, 
I  mean,  of  course,  those  slave  States  where  ihey  hold  slaves  in  larg;  num- 
bers. I  do  believe,  Mr.  President,  that,  wh-^never  the  army  of  freedom, 
the  Army  of  the  Union,  is  marched  into  Arkansas,  into  L-misana,  into 
either  of  the  Carolinas,  Alabama,  or  Georgia,  it  will  be  the  tocsin,  if  yoa 
please,  for  an  insurrection  of  the  slaves,  and  thit  they  will  ovei throw 
everything  that  stands  in  their  way.  So  far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  do  not 
propose  to  make  myself  a  slave-ca'^cher  for  tr.iit  >rs,  and  re  urn  t'lem  to 
their  masters;  but  I  would  do  this — and  it  is  known  to  8enat)rsthat 
I  have  expressed  that  opinion — I  w.mld,  at  this  session,  digest  a  plan  to 
colonize  the  slaves  thus  liberated  by  their  own  act  at  some  pjint  outside 
of  the  Union  convenient  thereto. 


^Speech  of  General  Jam.es  H.  Lane,  at  Sprinrjjield,  MUsoiiri,  in  ref^ponse 
to  a  serenarfe  from  the  Ticenfi/- Fourth  Indiana  Rr(jiment,  under  com- 
mand of  Lieut.   Col.  Garvin,  Thursday  A^ov.  8,  I06I. 

Gentlemen  and  Fellow-Soldiers  :  The  reception  of  this  compli- 
ment was  as  far  from  my  expectations  as  from  my^ieserts.  I  am  aware  these 
demonstrations  are  not  intended  so  much  for  me  as  for  the  Kansas  brigade ; 
yet  I  should  bi  the  first  to  appreciate  and  acknowledge  any  honors  which 
may  come  from  the  noble  State  of  Indiana.  Can  I  lorget  Indiana  ? 
Never  !  [  Cheers.]  <'  If  I  forget  thee,  let  my  right  hand  forget  her 
cunning.'^  It  was  the  place  of  my  birch,  and  is  the  place  of  my  mother's 
grave,  Indiana  h*s  given  me  legislative,  exeeutive,  military,  and  Con- 
gressional honors.  She  has  nursed  me  as  a  fond  mother  brings  up  her 
child;  and  let  my  heart  grow  cold,  and  ray  tongue  cleave  to  the  roof  of 
my  mouth,  when  L  cease  to  be  gratefal,  or  fail  to  speak  well  of  ray  bene- 
factors.    [Loud  etieers  ]     But  the  home  of  my  adoption,  and  toils,  and 


.,.--^" 


strife,  is  Kansas.  She  was  a  prairie  waste  when  first  I  set  foot  on  her 
soil,  but,  through  clc-sprrate  odds,  she  h-is  fought  her  waj  up  in  to  the  S'S- 
teihood  of  States,  and  ah'cady  her  little  army  has  become  famous  throughout 
the  nadon  ibr  itw  bravery  aud  patriotism.  For  Kansas  have  I  wrestled  ns 
wrestles  the  mother  when  she  brings  forth  lier  fir.st-born  into  the  woild. 
[Thundering  cheers.]  Indiana,  as  a  part  of  'he  past,  is  enshriLod  in  my 
heart.  Kansas,  as  my  home,  and  as  the  living  present,  absorbs  my  thoughts 
and  sways  my  dcstiiiy.  Once  I  obeyed  the  voice  of  Indiana,  and  honored 
her;  now,  I  go  at  the  bidding  of  Kansas,  and  love  her.  [  Loud  cheering.] 
But,  gentleman,  I  am  proud  and  happy  to  see  the  two  sisters  of  our  glori- 
ous Union  stdking  hands  with  each  other  on  the  soil  of  rebellious  Mis- 
souri, determined  that  our  united  blpwis  shall  crush  out  this  nio^t  caus^eless 
and  wicked  rebellion,  and  preserve  the  national  heritage  left  us  by  our 
fathers. 

Gentlemen,  I  shall  not  conceal  the  fact,  that  in  one  respect  I  differ 
from  some  of  my  compeers  in  command,  as  to  the  mode  of  warfare  which 
IS  best  calculated  to  briog  this  wretched  contest  to  a  speedy,  durable,  and 
Honorable  close.  The  p<  lut  of  diiference  refers,  of  course,  to  slavery — tbe 
cause  of  all  differences — the  Pandora's  box  from  which  has  issued  all  our 
nafional  troubles.  My  creed  is,  let  slavery  take  care  of  ili^elf.  If  it  c:!n 
survive  the  sh-ck  of  war,  let  ic  live,  but  if  between  an  upper  and  nether 
millstone  it  be  ground  t »  p  »wder,  and  the  winds  drive  it  away,  it  is  not 
for  me  to  gather  up  tbe  dusi  again.  I  do  not  propose  to  make  war  upon 
slavery,  buc  upon  rebels,  and  in  the  mean  time  to  let  slaves  and  slavery 
tike  care  uf  them-elves.  An  oligarchy  more  cruel  and  proscriptive  than 
ever  scourged  and  cursed  a  nation,  ancient  or  modern,  has  brought  on  this 
war  for  shtvery  3  and  if  we  are  required  to  protect,  defend,  or  in  any  way 
help  slavery,  then  we  are  required  to  co-operate  wiih  the  enemy,  to  help 
him,  to  defend  him,  and  to  work  for  the  same  end.  Can  we  place  our- 
selves thus  in  alliance  with  our  deadly  and  barbarous  foes,  and  at  the  ^ame 
time  conquer  them,  subdue  them,  crush  them?  When  lesser  contradic- 
tions are  reconciled,  we  will  taink  of  harmonizing  this. 

War,  at  best,  is  a  terrible  calamity  to  a  nation.  In  all  the  country 
through  which  we  have  passed,  the  mails  are  stopped,  schools  are  suspei'ded., 
churches  are  turned  into  hospitals  for  the  sick  and  wounded,  aud  general 
demoralization  prevails.  Protract  the  war  one  year,  and  desolation,  moral 
and  material,  alone  would  mark  the  track  of  armies.  Justice,  humanity, 
and  mercy  require  that  the  conflict  should  terminate  as, soon  as  possible, 
and  wiih  the  least  piacticable  shedding  of  blood. 

Astounding  as  it  may  appear  to  you,  gentleoaen  from  Indiana,  yet  it  is 
a  fact  we  have  repeatedly  demonstrated,  that  a  heavier  blow  is  dealt  out 
to  the  realui  of  Secetsia  in  the  abduction  or  freedom  of  a  slave  than  the 
killing  of  a  soldier  in  arms.  Yes,  and  I  may  put  the  truth  in  a  stronger 
light  still.  Abduct  from  the  same  family  a  slave,  and  kill  in  arms  a  son, 
and  the  loss  of  the  slave  will  be  regarded  as  the  greater  misfortune — the 
cahmiity  for  which  there  is  no  healing  balm.  I  could  bring  up  more  than 
a  thousand  witnesses  whose  observation  and  experience  qualify  them  to 
speak  of  the  truthful  candor  of  my  remarks,  if,  then,  by  allowing  the 
slave  to  h\\  into  the  wake  of  the  army,  and  find  the  priceless  boon  of 
freedom,  we  avoid  bloodshed,  save  property  from  des! ruction,  and  strike 
death  dealing  blows  upon  the  head  and  front  of  this  r-ibellion,  does  not 
every  consideration  that  is  good  and  just  require  that  this  policy  be  adopted  ? 


This  war  is  for  slavery — let  us  make  it  the  mighty  engine  for  slavery's 
d'^struction,  and  the  rebels  will  soon  cry  enough.  They  will  see  that, 
like  Saturn  in  the  fable,  they  are  eating  up  their  own  children,  and 
will  consent  to  cut  short  the  repast.  Every  guarantee  that  is  given  to 
slavery  by  the  Government  strengthens  the  rebels  in  their  cnurse. 

The  Kansas  brigade  has  met  the  enemy  in  battle,  and  routed  him  in 
every  conflict.  We  have  destroyed  Osceola,  a  sort  of  half  town  and  half 
military  post;  but  all  these  things  combined  have  not  brought  the  rebels 
to  their  knees  as  has  the  escaping  of  a  few  hundred  slaves,  by  following 
the  back  track  of  the  army.  [  Cheers.]  Gentlemen,  my  logic  teaches 
that  we  cannot  defend  and  make  war  upon  the  same  foe  at  the  same  time ; 
and,  if  it  is  the  purpose  of  the  Government  to  crush  the  rebel*  and  prevent 
their  slaves  from  stampeding,  two  armies  should  be  sent  into  the  field.  An 
advance  force  might  be  called  the  treason-crushing  army,  and  should  be 
armed  with  offensive  weapons.  The  other  should  be  called  the  slavery 
restoring  army,  and  should  move  about  ten  miles  in  the  rear.  It  should 
be  clad  in  a  defensive  armor  of  triple  steel,  for  such  is  the  raeanneps  of» 
spirit  which  is  bred  in  the  hearts  of  men  by  slave-breeding,  slave  trading^ 
and  slave-holding,  that  the  masters  would  creep  into  every  place  of  ambush, 
and  fire  upon  those  who  were  gathering  up  and  returning  their  fugitive 
human  property.  It  would  be  illegitimate  for  the  slavery-restoring  army 
to  return  the  fire,  as  they  might  harm  some  of  the  pets  and  darlings  for 
whom  they  are  so  generously  acting. 

Therefore,  give  them  the  defensive  arms,  but  no  offensive  weapons. 
Such  an  arrangement,  novel  as  it  might  seem,  must  be  had  if  slavery  is  to 
be  preserved  in  the  rear  of  an  army  which  moves  with  a  force  sufficient 
to  crush  this  huge  rebellion.  In  my  opinion,  the  second  army  should  be 
as  numerous  as  the  first.  Preserving  slavery  will  cost  the  Government 
ten  times  as  much  as  crushing  the  rebellion.     [Voices — ''  That's  so.''] 

The  policy  inaugurated  by  the  Kansas  brigade,  which  I  have  the  honor 
to  command,  was  not  adopted  in  a  moment,  but  is  the  result  of  much  ex- 
perience. In  a  speech  recently  made  in  the  city  of  Leavenworth,  my 
feelings  of  indignation  became  wrought  up  to  such  a  pitch  that  I  was  be- 
trayed into  the  use  of  language  which  was  justly  condemned  by  the  reli- 
gious sentiment  of  the  country,  and  which  in  cooler  moments  meets  my 
earnest  disapproval.  But  whether  excited  or  calm,  whether  my  language 
be  rough  or  smooth,  principle  and  duty  require  that  our  policy  be  rigidly 
adhered  to  until  condemned  by  the  Government ;  and  if  it  should  be  con- 
demned, if  the  Government  demand  of  the  br-gade  obeisance  to  the 
behests  of  slavery,  I  shall  consider  the  question  of  withdrawing  from  the 
field. 

Since  the  rebels  have  failed  to  nationalize  slavery,  their  battle  cry  is 
"  Down  with  the  Union."  Let  slavery  lift  up  its  crest  in  the  air,  and  here 
I  solemnly  vow,  that  if  Jim  Lane  is  compelled  to  add  a  note  to  such  an 
infernal  chorus,  he  breaks  his  sword  and  quits  the  field.  [Thundering 
applause.]  Let  us  be  bold — inscribe  "  freedom  to  all"  upon  our  banners, 
and  appear  just  what  we  are — the  opponents  of  slavery.  It  is  certain  as  if 
written  in  the  book  of  fate,  that  this  point  must  be  reached  before  the  war 
is  over.  Take  this  stand,  and  enthusiasm  will  be  inspired  in  the  ranks. 
In  steadiness  of  purpose  .-md  courage  each  soldier  will  be  a  Spartan  hero. 
The  spirit  of  the  (^-usnder  will  be  united  with  the  iron  will  of  I  he  Roman, 
and  an  army  of  such  soldiers  is  invincible.    [Cheers.]    These  things  to  you. 


Indianians,  may  appear  strange;  but  when  your  military  education  h 
received  that  peculiar  cast,  which  experience  is  sure  to  give  it,  and  whic 
now  pertains  to    the  Kausas    soldier,  then  will  we    march  shoulder    to 
shoulder,  and  victoriously  too,  against  the  enslavers  and  brutulizers  of 
men,  and  against  the  traitors  to  the  best  Government  on  earth. 

Soldiers,  we  have  a  commander,  on  whose  courage,  skill,  and  kindness 
of  heart  we  may  always  confide.  General  Hunter  has  a  Kansas  educa- 
tion ;  he  has  suffered  with  us  because  of  slavery,  and  he  will,  I  kuow, 
endorse  the  policy  I  have  advocated  to-night. 

It  should  be  the  business  of  Congress,  at  its  coming  session,  to  adopt  a 
law  directing  the  President  of  the  United  States,  by  proclamation,  to  order 
the  rebel  States,  within  thirty  "^  «ixty  days,  to  lay  do^-  n  their  arms  and 
return  to  their  allegiance,  c ,,  in  default  thereof,  deoiare  every  slave  free 
throughout  their  domains.  So  far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  hope  the  Almighty 
will  so  direct  the  hearts  of  the  rebels  that,  like  Pharoah,  they  will  persist 
in  their  crime,  and  then  we  will  invade  them,  and  strike  the  shackles  from 
every  limb. 

Provision,  too,  should  be  made  for  settling  the  African  in  Ilayti,  Cen- 
tral, or  South  America,  and  let  the  race  form  a  nation  by  itself.  Liberia 
has  served  a  glorious  purpose  in  teaching  the  world  that  these  oppressed 
and  wretched  people  are  capable  of  supporting  themselves,  and  of  self- 
government.  1  look  upon  the  Republic  of  Liberia  as  the  bud — yes,  the 
full-blown  hope — of  the  whole  of  Africa,  and  wish  it  every  encouragement 
and  success.  But  it  is  too  many  thousand  miles  for  us  to  transport  fou?- 
millions  of  slaves  This  age  has  not  the  time  and  patience  requisite  to 
such  a  task. 

But  our  own  continent  has  room  sufficient,  with  soil,  climate,  and  pro- 
ductions, suitable  for  the  accommodation  of  this  people,  who,  in  the  mys- 
teries of  Providence,  have  been  thrown  among  us.     Transportation  to  the 
places  named  may  be  made  a  practicable  reality.     The  good  of  both  race' 
require  their  separation.     Ages  of  oppression,  ignorance,  and  wrong  ha 
made  the  African  a  being  inferior  in  intellect  and  social  attainments 
the   Caucasian  ;   and,  while  together,  we  shall  always  have  low,  cringing 
servility  on  the  one  hand,  and  lordly  domination  on  the  other.     It  is  bet- 
ter for  both  parties  that  each  enjoy  the  honors  and  responsibilities  of  a 
nationality  of  his  own.     In  such  an  event,  our  common  humanity  would 
make  a  vast  stride  towards  perfection. 

As  such  a  proclamation  might  have  the  effect  to  liberate  the  slaves  of 
many  loyal  citizens,  I  would  cheerfully  give  my  consent  to  have  them  paid 
out  of  the  National  Treasury  for  any  loss  they  might  sustain.  Let  us  dare 
to  do  right,  trusting  to  the  principle,  that  right  makes  might;  and  the 
great  republic,  once  the  wonder  of  the  world,  will  emerge  from  these 
troubles  purer,  wealthier,  and  stronger  than  ever. 

These  are  among  the  reasons  why  freedom  to  all  should  be  the  watch- 
word of  the  Kansas  Brigade,  and  would  to  God  I  could  publish  it  through- 
out the  army,  and  to  the  whole  nation.  Let  the  wind  wafr  it  over  the 
prairies  of  the  West.  Let  the  thunder  of  our  cannon  speak  it  in  the  ears 
of  traitor  tyrants  Let  the  mountains  of  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  and 
New  England  echo  it  to  all  their  people  ;  let  the  sound  swell  from  earth 
to  heaven,  and  the  great  God  of  angels  and  men,  as  its  patron  and  f  ien'l, 
will  give  it  success. 

Again  I  thank  you,  friends  of  Indiana,  and  of  the  Kansas  Brigade,  for 
the  compliments  of  this  occasion.     I  bid  you  all  a  hearty  good  night. 


JExtracts  from  Speech  of  G-eneral  Lane,  at  Tremont  Temple,  Bos- 
ton, November  31,  1861. 

I  feel  embarrassed  in  addressing  gentlemen  in  the  habit  of  hearing 
eloque-.t  and  classic  speeches.  When  I  set  out  in  life,  my  mother  said 
there  was  n'>thiiig  to  prevent  ray  success  but  mv  unconq'ierable  m')de>ty. 
Bat  £  desire  to  return  t>>  the  people  of  Boston  ihe  thanks  of  tt.e  people  of 
Kansas  for  past  generosity,  which  made  that  State  free.  (Applause.) 
The  children  of  Kau.-as  are  taught  gratitu'de  to  those  who  stood  by  iheua 
in  1855  and  1856. 

iMy  memory  runneth  not  to  the  time  when  slavery  did  not  threaten 
(he  Union.  The  threats  of  the  South,  the  stuffing  of  ball'>t-box' s,  the 
r.iisinjj  of  blick  flags  in  Kan-as  bearing  the  word  "  Murder!  ''  and  the 
eflbrts  of  the  late  Administration  to  destroy  the  government,  followed  by 
the  attack  on  Sum'er,  and  the  assassination  of  youl*  gallant  sons  in  the 
sireer.s  of  Baltinjore,  must  destroy  all  respect  for  it. 

We  want  a  speedy  crushing  out  of  rebt^lli'.n,  (applause,)  and  a  perma- 
nent peace.  He  is  a  coward  who  wants  a  peace  patched  up  with  the 
kuowlcdge  that  our  children  will  have  this  battle  to  fight  over  again. 
(Loud  and  repeated  applause.)  x\t  last,  we  have  the  army  and  navy  that 
can  crush  out  the  rebeltion,  but  it  cannot  be  done  without  removing  the 
disease.  All  know  that  slavery  is  the  disease,  and  that  the  war  is  only 
waged  for  slavejy.  Where  is  the  man  who  would  attempt  a  purification 
without  curing  the  disease  ?  .  He  would  be  called  a  quack.  The  time  has 
gone  by  for  any  one  to  aitempt  to  show  that  the  war  is  not  waged  for 
slavery.  Ask  the  soldiers  of  General  Price  what  they  are  fijihting  for? 
they  will  an-wer  "slavery.^'  Ask  the  soldiers  of  General  Halleck,  and 
they  will  make  the  same  answer. 

"Slaveiy"  is  written  on  their  banners,  and  what  is  ours, — is  it  not 
substantially  the  same,  when  we  war  for  the  old  Union?  The  time  has 
gone  by  to  attempt  to  convince  men  that  the  war  is  waged  for  nothing 
but  slavery.  AVe  all  know  it.  When  it  is  attempted  to  arouse  your  sym- 
pathies for  the  slaves  of  the  Union  men,  remember  that  there  are  no 
Union  men  in  secession  comniuuities.  They  are  driven  out,  and  their 
slaves  are  used  as  are  those  of  secession  owners.  When  they  say  that 
loyal  men  can  control  their  slaves  in  secession  neighborhoods,  they  say 
that  which  is  not  true.  I  have  given  to  Union  men  receipts  for  the  loss  of 
slaves,  caused  by  the  march  of  the  Kansas  brigade.  These  very  slaves 
had  been  used  for  months  by  the  traitors  of  Missouri  by  force.  These 
certificates  came  back  to  me,  directing  me  to  give  up  those  slaves  to  the 
bearers.  An  order  of  the  goveinment  to  give  up  loyal  citizens  for  the 
benefit  of  traitors  !  Keturn  rhem  to  slavery  !  Me  !  The  people  of  Kan- 
sas return  them  to  slavery!  No,  sir!  (Great  cheering,  and  cries  of 
"  good  !"  "  good  !")  He  sought  his  commander,  and  told  him  his  order 
was  illegitimate,  and  that  he  would  not  obey  it.     (Cheers.) 

How  many  soldiers'  lives  are  you  willing  to  ^nve  to  maintain  slavery  ? 
("  N(me.")  A.s  for  myself,  I  will  not  shed  a  single  drop  of  blood  to  save 
the  :iccurscd  system. 

1  have  half  a  mind  to  relate  an  anecdote  to  show  how  the  slaveholders 


cling  to  their  property.  (Voices — <^  Do  it ;  do  it.")  Well,  I  will.  We 
were  mirchino^  to  Spring'iield — I  was  ia  the  rear  of  the  coluuia — when  I 
was  infoinied  by  one  of  my  men  that  a  worn  in  in  great  disiress  wanted  to 
see  me.  I  told  him  to  bring  her  to  nie,  and  he  did  She  was  a  big. 
brawny  woman — far,,  and  over  forty, — and  was  crying.  I  asked  her  whar 
the  matter  was.  She  said,  "  My  two  ssons  have  joined  the  Confederate 
army,  and  now  your  soMiers  have  taken  my  iwo  niggers."  Said  I,  "  My 
g)odwom;in,  that  is  not  the  worst  thing  tha'  could  happen  to  you.  I  am 
on  the  track  of  your  sons,  and  I  shall  probably  catch  them  in  a  day  or 
two,  and  hang  them."  (Laughter.)  She  threw  her  arms  about  my  neck, 
and  Slid,  ''General  Lane,  you  may  do  what  you  want  with  my  sous,  if 
you'll  only  return  the  niggers."  (Great  laughter.)  I  dir-engaged  myself 
from  her  embrace,  but  didn't  promise  to  return  her  niggers. 

sjc  ;;<  ^  ^t  >;;  :^  ^  ^i  ^  ^  :^. 

The  only  way  we  can  bring  this  contest  to  a  successful  issue  is,  by 
striking  dire'tly  and  with  all  our  power  at  the  foundation.  I  would  op- 
pose bowie-knife  to  bowie-knife,  Indian  to  Indian  nigger  to  nigger,  and 
fre  d<Mn  to  slavey.  (Cheers.)  If  you  do  not  like  th.tt  plan,  furnish  a 
substitute,  equally  powerful,  f  )r  closing  the  war.  Our  present  polic}  will 
cause  the  war  to  drag  along  for  years.  You  cannot  wth  the  same  army 
crush  out;  treason  and  preserve  slavery.  There  must  be  two  armies  to  do 
that,  and  it  will  cost  more  to  preserve  slavery  than  to  crush  out  treason. 
Write  ""  Fre^^dom,"  then,  on  all  your  banners,  and  the  spirit  of  the  old 
Crusaders  will  animate  your  armies,  firmness  and  steadiness  will  be  im- 
parted to  your  purp  'se,  victory  will  be  gained,  and  a  permanent  peace  se- 
cured 

The  meeting  broke  up  with  cheers  for  ^'  General  Lane  and  the  Kansas 
Brigade." 


Speech  of  Gen.  Lane,  in  Washington,  on  the  evening  of  Dec.  '2d, 
1861,  on  the  occasion  of  a  serenade  in  his  honor. 

[The  General  was  introduced  by  Hon.  Owen  Lovejoy,  who  referred 
to  him  in  the  following  language  :] 

I  was  out  in  Missouri  in  this  work,  and  there  I  saw  Gen.  Jim  Lane. 
I  saw  him  on  the  march,  in  the  camp,  and  on  the  field,  as  I  saw  others. 
and  I  do  not  think  that  in  all  ray  experience  there,  I  saw  any  braver 
men,  or  any  better  drilled  or  disciplined  soldiers,  than  that  same  noble 
Kansas  brigade  commanded  by  this  same  "  Jim  Lane,"  [Cheers.] 
He  is  a  brave  soldier  and  an  efficient  general,  yet  that  is  not  the  reason 
for  this  hearty  welcome  to-night.  Now,  tell  me  why  are  you  all 
gathered  here  to  honor  him?  ["Because  he's  a  trump!"]  Ah,  I 
know  why.  You  extend  to  Gen.  James  H.  Lane  this  spontaneous  ova- 
tion, because,  wherever  he  marched  on  the  soil  of  rebellious  Missouri, 
the  pathway  of  his  army  was  radiant  widi  freedom.  ["  That'>  it,"  and 
vociferous  cheers  ]  Because  the  beautiful  flag  of  stars  that  waved 
above  the  Kansas  brigade  never  floated  over  a  single  slave!  [C^ntiD- 
ued  cheers.] 

God   grant  that  the   time    may  soon  come,  when,  m  the   progress   of 


8 

this  unholy  rebellion,  our  flag,  whose  fabric  Freedom  wrought  and  fash- 
ioned i )  her  early  days,  again  becomes  an  emblem  of  the  great  thought 
of  the  fathers,  may  floit  no  longer  over  a  single  bondman. 

[Enthusiastic  cheering,  at  the  close  of  which  the  speaker  introduced 
GEN.  LANE.  He  came  forward  amid  tumultuous  applause  and  said :] 
Fellow  Citizens  :  For  this  demonstration,  accept  my  thanks.  I 
think  I  understand  it.  It  is  not  for  the  man  that  you  bring  honors, 
but  because  you  believe  that  he  earnestly  desires  to  close  this  war  per- 
manently and  speedily.     ["That's  it,"  and  cheers.] 

That  which,  to  me.  is  most  astonishing,  and  which,  for  the  first  time, 
I  have  fully  realized,  is  that  Northern  reverence  for  Southern  slavery 
created,  in  the  Northern  mind,  on  the  same  principle  that  constant 
dropping  wears  the  marble.  The  South,  by  unceasing  appliances  and 
for  sinister  purposes,  has  been  able  to  create  a  strong  reverence  for  the 
institution  of  human  bondage.  It  was  once  in  my  own  mind.  I  was 
born  on  the  borders  of  the  slave  States.  My  mother  was  not  very 
well,  and  I  was  not  of  much  account.  I  was  put  out  to  an  old  slave 
woman  to  be  nursed.  I  was  educated  and  reared  as  a  member  of  the 
old  Democratic  party.  I  was  taught  to  reverence  slavery  beyond  the 
Bible  or  any  of  the  ordinances  of  God.  It  was  a  crime  to  discuss  the 
cjuesdon.  We  could  discuss  God's  laws,  but  so  much  above  them  was 
this  patriarchal  custom  that  we  were  forbidden  to  question  it. 

This  Northern  reverence  compelled  two  great  political  parties  to  en- 
graft on  their  platforms  that  the  righteousness  of  slavery,  being  above 
even  the  government  of  God,  should  be  no  more  discussed,  "  either  in 
or  out  of  Congress." 

Now,  I  will  be  frank  enough  to  admit  to  you  that  I  have  lost  some 
of  my  old  reverence  for  slavery.  [Laughter.]  I  saw  it  stuff  the  bal- 
lot-boxes of  my  own  State;  I  saw  it  raise  the  black  flag,  and  inscribe 
on  it  "  no  quarter;"  I  saw  the  most  exalted  ofiicers  of  the  Goveroment, 
debauched  by  it,  prostitute  the  Government  itself  to  its  own  destruc- 
tion !  Right  here  in  Washington,  even,  the  shameful  spectacle  was 
presented  of  a  Northern  President  being  compelled  by  the  traitors 
around  him  to  betray  the  Government  he  was  sworn  to  maintain,  and 
conspire  to  ruiu  the  Republic.  [Voices — "True,  true."]  At  last  I 
saw  it  fire  upon  a  handful  of  starving  soldiers,  and  trample  the  flag  of 
my  country  under  foot!  For  six  months  its  hostile  army  has  been  men- 
acing this  capital,  and  to-night  it  is  encamped  within  six  miles  of  here, 
and  thence  along  two  thousand  mileu  of  border,  seeking  the  destruction 
of  the  mildest  and  best  Government  on  earth.  I  will  not  insult  this 
intelligent  audience  by  arguing  that  this  is  all  the  work  of  slavery — • 
slavery,  an  emanation  from  hell.      [Cheers  ] 

Slavery  is  attempting  to  send  iis  ministers  to  foreign  powers,  [Voice 
— "That's  played  out  I"]  plotting  to  destroy  the  only  free  government. 
[Voice — "Hurrah  for  Wilkes  !"]  Yes,  I  saw  in  a  paper  somewhere, 
"Hurrah  for  Wilkes!  right  or  wrong,  hurrah  for  Wilkes!"  [Three 
hearty  cheers  were  given  for  Wilkes.]  Some  cf  the  tender  hearted  and 
c.iuiiou^  are  afraid  the  British  lini  will  roar.  Now,  I  feel  like  saying, 
with  the  o'd  lady  in  Mis>ouri,  that  y-.u  renniiioer.  A  Methodist  min- 
ister wa>  rraveling  thmugh  then — I  hope  ni'ire  will  go  there.  [Laugh- 
ter.] He  st  -pped  at  a  house  to  get  supper,  and  as  the  c-ld  lauy  was 
just  about  to  pour  out   his   coffee,  he   interrupted  her  by  remarking  that 


lie  "usually  invoked  the  divine  blessing  before  partaking  of  any  food/' 
<'  Well,"   said  the  old  lady,  'just  pitch  in  /"     [Laughter  and  applause.] 

Thank  God,  we  have  an  army  now.  [Cheers.]  Thank  God,  too, 
we  have  at  last  a  navy.  [Three  cheers.]  With  this  army  and  this 
navy  now,  if  we  will  but  adopt  the  policy  which  common  sense  dictates, 
we  can  crash  this  insane  rebellion,  and  whip  Great  Britain  to  boot. 
[Cheers  of  approval.] 

We  have  been  playing  at  this  war  long  enough,  in  my  opinion.  I 
want  to  ask  each  man  in  this  assembly,  how  much  reverence  have  you 
got  for  the  institution  of  slavery?  [Voice— "  Nary  rev.'^]  How 
many  more  loyal  soldiers  are  you  willing  to  offer  as  victims  to  that 
reverence  ?  How  many  more  of  our  brave  leaders  shall  be  sacrificed  ? 
How  many  more  widows  and  orphans  shall  slavery  make,  with  your 
permission  ?     [Voices — '^  Not  another  !"] 

I  tell  you  that  1  have  so  far  lost  my  reverence  for  that  which,  as  a 
Democrat,  I  once  worshipped,  that  I  am  not  willing  that  one  single 
widow  or  orphan  shall  be  added  to  the  mourners;  I  am  not  willing 
that  another  drop  of  loyal  American  blood  shall  be  shed  for  its  preser- 
vation I     [Sensation  and  applause.] 

And  another  question,  that  seems  of  even  more  pertinence  and  im- 
portance to  some,  How  much  more  money  are  you  williog  to  pour  out 
that  slavery  may  live?     For  that  is  distinctly  the  question  now. 

I  won  quite  a  reputation  when  I  went  to  school,  as  a  fighting  boy. 
Every  Saturday  night  we  *•  fought  out.''  I  was  within  one  of  the  head, 
but  the  champion,  Joe  Darrah,  was  a  great  hulk  of  a  fellow,  weighing 
twice  as  much  as  I  did,  and  as  strong  as  an  ox,  and  I  couldn't  whip  him 
at  fair  play.  Ours  was  the  rough  and  tumble  style.  I  knew  I  could 
whip  him  if  I  waited  to  grow,  but  my  reputation  demanded  that  1  should 
do  it  then.  So  I  watched  for  a  boil  to  come,  or  something  to  happen  that 
would  give  me  an  advantage.  One  day  I  heard  that  Joe  had  been  in 
swimming,  and  had  cut  his  leg  below  the  knee.  So  I  went  to  him  and 
got  him  to  show  me  the  exact  spot.  I  kept  quiet,  and,  when  Saturday 
came,  I  was  ready  to  fight  him.  Joe  struck  out  at  me  ;  I  dodged  his 
heavy  blows,  and  went  in  and  kicked  him  on  the  shin.  [Great  laugbter.] 
He  bellowed  like  a  calf,  and  cried  enough.  [Laughter.]  We  are  now  at 
war  with  the  South,  and  I  am  in  to  whip.  [Voice — "  Hit  him  on  the 
bruise!''  immoderate  laughter  long  continued.]  You  have  got  some 
sharp  fellows  in  this  crowd — that's  just  what  I  was  going  to  say — perhaps 
you  had  better  finish  the  speech.  [Laughter.]  If  there  is  a  bruise,  a 
weak  spot,  on  this  rebellion,  don't  we  owe  it  to  the  commerce  of  the  coun- 
try and  the  world,  to  the  orphans  that  are  being  made,  to  the  widows 
and  the  wounded  that  are  multiplying,  to  the  loyal  brave  who  are  laying 
down  their  lives,  to  the  humanity  around  us,  and  to  the  God  above  us,  to 
find  that  spot  and  strike  it  ?  [Cheers.]  And  there  is  a  sore  spot — a 
bigger  bruise  than  was  ever  on  Joe  Darrah's  shin,  and  you  needn't  kick 
it  Lalf  as  hard  as  I  did  his  !  [Excessive  laughter  and  cheers.]  At  any 
rat  ,  let  us  not  expend  our  time  and  money,  and  spill  our  blood  in  the 
thankless  work  of  soothing  and  doctoring  the  bruise.  Don't  stop  to 
baudage  it  up  with— [Voice  interrupting:  "  Cotton  !"  followed  by  great 
lii.jghter.]  This  is  the  smartest  audience  I  ever  saw  outside  of  Kansas. 
[L. Lighter.] 

I  was  nursed  by  a  slave,  and  was   educated  and  graduated  in  the  great 


10 

Democratic  party ;  and  now  all  I  ask — all  that  the  country  asks — is  that 
this  Covernineiit  may  fight  the  traitors  to  crush  out  the  rebellion,  and  let 
slavery  take  care  of  it<elt*.  [(Cheers,  and  cries  of  "That's  io."]  If  slaver v 
Stands  in  the  way  of  this  result,  let  it  be  promptly  pur.  out  of  the  wiy.  If 
it  h:«s  vitality  enough  to  resist  the  shock  of  war,  I  shall  not  qu.irrcl  with 
its  destiny;  if  it  be  of  too  d^^licate  a  texture  to  survive  this  collisim  of 
armies,  I  say,  as  the  Quaker  did,  "  I  will  not  quarrel  with  Grjd."  [Ap- 
plause.] 

\hn  we  must  remember  one  thing  :  we  cannot  support  our  own  army 
and  the  rebel  army,  too.  Three  months  ago  my  army  mm-hed  into  the 
State  of  Missouri,  and  we  found  this  condition  of  things — and  I  ask 
every  man,  I  care  not  what  opinion  he  ra  ly  have  on  tiis  ques'ion  of 
slavery,  to  take  these  fac  s  home  wi'h  him  and  reflect  upon  them — we 
found  the  wives,  girls,  younger  boys,  and  slaves,  at  home,  and  all  the  men 
and  older  boys  away  in  the  rebel  army. 

As  the  lamented  General  Lym — the  gallant,  oh  !  the  chivalr'c  Lyon  ! 
— marched  through  the  State,  he,  in  carrying  out  the  establ  shed  policy, 
pa'd  that  wife  your  money — buying  of  her,  at  exurbit#nt  prices,  oxen, 
sbe^p,  and  all  kinds  of  produce  needed  for  his  brave  army.  That  wife 
took  that  money,  and  purchased  cloth  with  it,  and  she  and  her  female 
fiiends  made  it  into  clothing,  and,  loading  the  slaves  with  it,  sent  it  to 
the  rebel  army.  They  have  had  their  slaves  cultivating  the  farms  and 
raising  the  subsistence  that  supplies  that  army  w.th  thi  foo  1  they  eat. 
Now,  don't  you  see  that  you  were  in  fac^,  by  your  policy,  clothing  and 
feeding  both  armies?  [''Yes,"  and  "That's  so."]  I  did  not  get  much 
advice  or  iusi ructions  from  headquarters  here,  but  ujy  men  had  some 
sense,  and  they  thought  I  had  a  little.     Well,  what  did  we  do  ? 

Did  we  put  United  States  gold  into  rebel  pockets?  [Voice — ''Not 
much."]  Not  if  we  could  help  it.  We  took  the  traitor's  corn,  [cheers,] 
and  his  beef  cattle,  [cheers,]  and  his  horses.  [Cheers.  Voice — "  And 
their  nagurs."  Laughter.]  No,  for  in  a  week  they  came  to  us  them- 
selves. [Applause  ]  For  the  first  few  days,  the  slaves  avoided  the  Kan- 
sas brigade,  because  they  had  been  told  that  we  would  whip  and  torture 
them,  cut  off  their  fingers  and  starve  them.  But  finally,  a  few  came  to 
try  the  hazardous  experiment.  Then  those  within  a  mile  cime;  then 
those  within  two  miles;  then  those  withiu  five  miles;  then  all  came 
[Cheers.]  They  tell  us  that  the  slaves  do  not  want  their  liberty,  and  will 
not  come  into  our  army  at  Port  lloyal.  The  rea-on  is  obvious.  If  this 
Government  will  send  the  Kansas  brigade  to  Beauf)rt,  I  will  guarantee 
that  in  a  week  the  slaves  shall  rush  to  Beaufort,  bringing  information 
far  and  wide.  [Cheers.]  All  the  slaves  want  to  know  is,  that  freedom  is 
for  them,  and  freedom  they  will  have.     [Cheers.] 

Suppose  I  go  to  Beaufort,  and  issue  such  a  proclamation  as  was  pub- 
lished from  St.  Louis  the  other  day  ?  [Voice — "Three  cheers  for  John 
C.  Fremont.;"  which  were  heartily  given  by  the  whole  crowd. 

The  proclamation  to  whica  I  nfer  is  not  General  Fremont's.  I  wish  to 
God  it  was.  [Cheers.]  I  mean  that  other  proclamation,  expellin/>-  the 
fugitives  alreauy  with  our  army,  and  saying  to  the  others,  "You  shah  not 
come  within  our  lines" 

From  the  slaves  in  Missouri  flocking  to  our  standard,  I  received  more 
correer.  information  of  the  movements  of  the  enemy  than  from  all  ^ources 
bcMilv.    ,(()heers.)      Yet  this   new  General,  as  soon    as  he  arrives   in  the 


11 

State,  Dot  content  with  kicking  out  the  fugitives  and  repelling  all  slaves 
who  want  to  come,  must  tell  us  that  which  is  contrad  cted  by  my  whole 
march  through  Missouri,  that  the  hunted  slaves  betray  their  liberators! 
Grateful  to  theh*  liberators,  r.nd  faithful  to  us  and  to  the  Government 
that  sent  us,  with  500  fugitives,  of  both  sexes  and  all  ages,  marching  wi'li 
us,  (cheers,)  there  was  not  one  willing  to  return  to  slavery,  and  so  not  one 
ever  betrayed  a  secret  that  was  important  to  those  who  had  opened  to 
them  the  new  life  of  freedom.  (Loud  and  long  cheers  )  I  do  not  be- 
lieve either  ihreats  or  bribes  could  have  induced  them  io  act  as  spies  while 
wo  were  their  guardians. 

We  cannot  figh^  this  war  vigorously  without  an  issue.  Where  is  the 
pot-house  politician  but  knows  that  a  live  issue  is  necessary,  even  in  a 
ward  election?  Well,  now,  where  is  our  issue?  The  rebfls  are  fighting 
f<r  slavery,  and  we  are  tiglitiog  for  its  preservation.  (Voice — "That's 
it/') 

General  flalleck  say^,  ''  We  will  not  let  you  come  in  our  lines."  "Why?"' 
a^ks  the  slave.  "Because,"  the  frank  answer  would  be,  "i/ou  wif/  <^et 
ainif^  from  1/our  masfers  !"  [Voices — "  That's  the  point!"]  ^Ve  must 
make  an  issue — something  that  will  be  a  watchword  for  our  lips — a  shibbo- 
bolefh  for  our  banners.  What  could  we  not  do,  with  "Freedom"  for  our 
battle  cry?  [Cheers.]  There  is  something  to  go  before  tlie  world  on. 
That  is  what  our  fathers  fough-  for.  Freedom,  and  the  pres  rvation  of  a 
frte  Government  !  Great  God  !  under  that  inspiring  flag,  I  think  America 
could  whip  all  who  might  assail  us.     [Cheers.] 

JVoio,  the  battle  cry  is,  "Go  in,  boys,  for  the  maintenance  of  slavery 
and  'he  Union  !"  "  Onward,  my  brave  fellows;  down  with  this  accursed 
treason,  but  stop  if  you  run  against  a  my<ioY  I"     [Derisive  laughter.] 

War  is  a  dreadful  alternative,  and  an  intestine  war  is  the  worst  of  all. 
I  have  two  sons  in  this  tavern,  and  I  should  expect  them  to  bfand  me  a 
coward  if  I  wanted  to  entail  this  war  on  the  next  generation.  Is  there 
a  doctor  here?  [Voice — "  Here  !"]  Well,  now,  would  you  attempt  to 
cure  a  disease  without  removing  the  cause  of  it;  without,  attempting  to 
strike  at  the  influences  that  produced  it,  and  might  produce  it  again  ? 
If  you  would,  we  should  call  you  a  quark.  1  want  a  speedy  peace,  and 
I  want  a  permanent  peace.  Is  there  a  man  here  who  does  not  know  that 
if  this  war  is  terminated  with  this  old  element  of  discord — slavery — still 
in  existence  as  it  was,  it  will  break  out  again,  and  again,  and  again,  till 
slavery  is  national  or  slavery  blotted  out?  [Loud  cheers.]  Remove  the 
cause;  cut  oat  the  very  root  of  the  cancer,  and  we  have  peace,  a  peace 
that  is  worth  something — but,  quack  treatment  will  leave,  instead,  a 
chronic  war.  And  let  us  carry  on  this  war  of  loyalty  agains ,  treason 
heartily,  fully  resolved  to  let  all  institutions  perish  that  stand  in  the  way 
of  a  prompt  and  successful  prosecution  of  it,  and  every  shackle  will  be 
stricken  ofl^  the  standard  of  rebellion  will  be  stricken  down,  and  we  bhall 
con()uer  a  peace  that  will  be  enduring.      [Cheers.] 

"  But,"  somebody  asks,  "  what  will  you  do  with  the  negroes  when  they 
are  free?"  I  might  reply,  Let  us  close  this  war  in  the  cheapest  way, 
and  "  sufficient  unto  the  day  is  the  evil  thereof."  But  I  propose  to  give 
you  my  views.  They  don't  cost  you  anything,  you  know.  Suppose  we 
adopt  the  same  policy  towards  the  negroes,  then,  that  cair  fathers  did 
towards  ihe  Indians  ?  Weneed  not  teach  them  how  to  plow,  to  sow,  and 
to  reap;  for  they  know  how.     We  need  not  teach  them  blacksmithing  and 


12 

the  mechanical  arts,  for  there  are  many  of  them  mechanics  ready-made^ 

"We  need  not  instruct  them  in  the  ways  of  civil  life;  for,  quick  to  imitate, 
they  have  learned  them  already,  even  under  the  burdens  of  bondago.  We 
need  not  teach  them  the  habits  of  the  white  man  ;  for  they  have  the  habits 
of  the  white  man,  even  to  chewing  tobacco  and  worrying  down  a  little  rye 
whiskey.  [Laughter.]  Suppose,  then,  we  free  these  slaves,  pay  them 
wages,  and  thus  retain  them  where  they  are,  until  white  labor  can  he  sub- 
stituted without  convulsion ;  they,  meantime,  enjoying  all  the  elevating 
and  dignifying  influences  of  free  labor,  and  preparing  for  final  colonization 
beyond  our  borders. 

Then,  suppose  we  take  another  policy:  obtain  a  country  contiguous  to 
this — a  portion  of  South  America,  for  instance [Voice — '^  South  Caro- 
lina.^'] Well,  now,  that  idea  of  South  Carolina  strikes  me  very  favorably. 
[  Laughter.]  I  desire,  first,  to  see  the  shackles  stricken  off  in  a  legitimate 
manner,  so  that  our  stars  and  stripes  may,  in  truth,  wave  over  a  country 
of  freemen. 

Next,  I  desire  to  see  the  two  races  separated — this  the  home  of  the  white 
man,  and  a  home  of  freedom;  that  the  home  of  the  black  man,  and  a  home  of 
freedom.  [Applause.]  I  would  that  an  ocean  rolled  b.tween  the  two 
races.  Our  prejudices  against  them  are  unconquerable.  I,  myself,  cer- 
tainly entertain  these  prejudices,  in  common  with  others.  No  two  races 
have  or  can  live  long  together,  unless  they  intermarry.  I  am  opposed  to 
this.  Now,  for  the  good  of  us  both,  let  us  give  them  the  discipline  that 
attends  freedom  and  free  labor,  then  let  us  kindly  separate  them  from  us, 
and  all  will  be  well. 

But,  says  another,  ''  I  would  go  for  this  war  being  closed  permanetly 
by  using  the  slaves,  but  I  am  afraid  it  will  diminish  the  price  of  labor." 
Now,  in  the  first  place,  we  need  never  fear  for  the  safety  of  th«i  white  la- 
borers of  America.  They  will  hold  their  own,  whatever  happens,  because 
they  can  always  protect  themselves  and  their  interests  through  the  Gov- 
ernment which  they  control. 

But,  secondly,  freeing  the  slaves  would  not  lessen  the  wages  of  labor. 
Freeing  them  would  compel  the  payment  of  wages  to  them — wouldn't  it? 
Now  they  work  for  no'hing.  Their  labor  now  is  brought  into  competition 
with  you  without  remuneration.  [Voices — "That's  so,"  and  cheers.] 
So,  I  affirm,  that  it  would  have  the  tendency,  not  only  to  dignify  all  labor, 
but  to  increase  instead  of  diminish  the  wages  of  white  labor. 

If  there  were  four  millions  of  white  men  working  in  the  South  to  feed 
and  clothe  this  rebellion,  millions  of  money  would  be  expended  if  it  would 
suffice  to  withdraw  them  from  the  service  of  the  rebels.  I  have  shown  to 
you  that  the  four  million  sUves  feed  and  clothe  this  rebellion.  Remove 
them,  withdraw  them,  and  this  rebellion  will  crumble  to  the  centre,  as  a 
vessel  will  collapse  when  you  create  a  vacuum  by  withdrawing  the  air. 

This  subject  I  think  I  could  discuss  always— it  opens  and  widens  before 
us  as  we  touch  it.  But  I  have  spoken  at  length,  and  must  close  by  pre- 
senting to  you  my  thanks  for  this  demonstration,  and  to  wish — oh,  how 
heartily  do  I  wish — that  when  we  meet  again  upon  such  an  occasion,  we 
can  congratulate  each  other  that  the  rebellion  is  crushed  out  permanently, 
and  that  we  have  indeed  a  Republic  of  freemen. 


13 


Speech  of  G-eneral  Lane^  delivered  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 


States,  December  17,  1861, 


Mr.  LANE  said  : 


Mr.  President  :  I  do  not  desire  to  conceal  my  motive  in  introducing 
this  resolution.  As  a  cit'zen  and  a  Senator,  I  have  the  right  of  criticizing  the 
acts  of  the  Government;  and  I  mean  to  exercise  it  with  the  full  flush  of 
a  truthful  patriotism — kindly  but  fearlessly,  cordially  but  searchingly. 

I  will  waste  no  words.  I  do  not  wish  uselessly  to  consume  your  time. 
But  the  hour  is,  when  truth  sh.iuld  be  spoken  in  these  Halls,  and  that 
plainly.  I  declare,  then,  as  a  fact  which  all  financiers  will  admit,  and  no 
statesman  dispute,  that  every  day's  delay  in  the  vigorous  prosecution  of 
this  war  is  pregnant  with  peril  to  the  Republic. 

Sir,  this  is  a  war  of  the  people.  When  Sumter  fell,  they  became  a 
unit.  Party  prejudices  were  scattered,  personal  hates  forgotten.  Roused 
by  their  wrongs,  they  proff"ered  their  strength,  and  pledged  all  their  re- 
sources to  avenge  an  injuscice  which  threatened  to  destroy  the  freest 
Government  on  earth.  Manassas  followed ;  a  fearful  reverse,  and  seem- 
ingly a  fatal  defeat.  But  even  that  did  not  dash  the  spirit  nor  shake  the 
purpose  of  the  people.  The  balk  of  the  moment,  the  blood  and  treasure 
lost,  only  deepened  their  determination  to  crush  out  the  conspiracy.  Such 
unity,  such  ardor,  such  sacrifices,  the  world  has  rarely  or  never  wit- 
nessed. 

Sir,  let  me  not  be  misunderstood  in  this  matter  of  delay.  My  confidence 
in  the  Administration  will  not  permit  me,  for  a  moment,  seriously  to  enter- 
tain the  injurious  suspicion  that  this  army  we  have  created,  so  admirable 
in  spirit  and  discipline,  so  complete  in  all  its  appointments — this  magnifi- 
cent organization,  to  which  the  country  has  contributed  its  choicest  spirits, 
and  on  which  it  has  lavished  untold  millions  of  treasure — is  destined, 
without  one  decisive  blow  struck,  to  a  living  burial  in  the  ioglorious  ob- 
scurity of  winter  quarters  !  But  should  this  confidence  prove  to  be  mis- 
placed— should  this  fatal  policy  of  inaction  seize  upon  the  energies  of  our 
rulers,  I  feel,  I  know,  that  the  public  announcement  of  the  fact  will  be 
as  the  fire-bell  at  midnight.  Dismay  and  confusion  will  follow ;  and  the 
evils  of  anarchy  may  interpose  new  and  fearful  obstacles  to  the  restora- 
tion of  that  Government  whose  chief  peril  must  always  result  from  the 
logs  of  confidence  on  the  part  of  the  people. 

Fortunately,  the  people  are  as  intelligent  as  they  are  patriotic.  They 
do  not  require  impossibilities,  nor  insist  upon  premature  action.  And 
thus  we  are  bronght  to  the  consideration  of  the  questions  of  strength  and 
preparation. 

Why  is  our  army  inactive  ?  Will  it  be  answered  that  it  is  still  deficient 
in  discipline  ?  That  reply  would  be  as  unjust  as  it  is  illogcial.  Ours  is  an 
army  of  volunteers,  who  mustnot  bejudgedby  the  rules  applied  to  regulars. 
You  cannot  drill  it  into  that  mere  machine  which  martinets  consider  the 
perfesjtion  of  efSciency.  The  citizen-soldier  is  an  individual;  no  amount 
of  discipline  can  destroy  his  individuality.  Four  months  of  industrious 
drill  is  ample  time  to  prepare  such  troops  for  effective  service.  Prolonged 
inactivity  will  finally  discourage  his  zeal.  The  prospect  of  action  must  be 
ever  present  as  an  incentive.     Inaction  is  the  bane  of  the  volunteer. 


14 

Thesj  opiuious  1  express  with  coufideiice,  for  I  have  had  a  large  per- 
sonal (xpi'ri('n;e  in  ih'  m;in:ioein(^nt  of  volunteer  soldiers.  The  traininor 
of  twj  distinct,  rcginienfs  duiiiiir  the  Mixicn  war,  with  subseq-ienf  labors 
in  Kan>as,  and  ihe  campaigns  of  the  last  spring  and  summer  in  Missouri, 
have  given  me  a  praciical  kaowledge  on  this  subject  entitled  to  consid- 
ei'aion. 

The  regiments  that  fought  and  won  the  battle  of  Buena  Vista,  were 
not  as  well  provided  as  the  army  of  the  Potomac,  and  no  better  drille<l. 
Sir,  T  h:ive  witnessed  the  drill  of  that  army;  and  I  am  sati  fied  that  it 
has  reached  the  maximum  of  discipline  attainable  by  volunteers,  and  that 
every  day  of  inaction  now  tends  to  its  demoralization. 

AYhile,  also,  as  regards  discipline,  we  are  as  fully  prepared  for  action 
as  w^e  ever  shall  be,  we  have  the  advantage  of  supenoriiy,  in  that  respect, 
to  the  enemy.  Every  unprejudiced  observ^er  during  the  5lexican  war,  will 
testify  that  the  regiments  from  the  North,  in  the  excdlenceof  their  drill, 
far  exceeded  those  from  the  Spates  now  in  rebellion.  Our  oppon'ints  are 
formidable  only  when  their  individuality  can  bj  shown  while  fighting  un- 
der cover — as  at  Manassas,  iSpringtield,  and  Ball's  Bluff.  Operating  in 
mass,  on  the  open  field,  we  can  always  conquer;  as  at  Diy  Wood,  win  re 
four  hundred  Kansas  tro  >ps  cheeked  and  drove  back  ten  thousand  r.bels. 
And  of  these  fa.us  the  Co  ifederates  are  ihem>eives  fully  aware.  Re- 
ceutiy,  at  Spring  lliver,  eight  hundred  Kansas  troops  enco.nti-red  ^ix 
thousand  rebels  covered  by  that  stream  and  six  miles  of  timber.  This 
handl'ul  of  heroic  men  offered  a  fight  on  the  open  prtirie,  which  was  de- 
clined by  the  enemy,  either  because  they  expected  us  to  repent  the  folly 
of  attacking  th.  m  in  their  tiinber  stronghold,  or  feared  a  defeat  without 
its  protection.  It  will  require,  on  our  parr,  rapiJry  of  movement  and 
boldness  of  strategy  to  force  them  into  a  batrle  on  the  open  field. 

So  much  for  efficiency.  That  heroic  veteran,  the  late  Lieutenant  Gen- 
eral of  the  army,  now  foiced  by  age  and  infirmity  into  a  retirement  made 
glorious  by  the  memories  of  a  long  life  of  patriotism  and  triumph,  an- 
nounced the  fact  that  the  ides  of  October  would  see  his  columns  prepared 
to  move.  Hence,  it  is  impossible  U'  t  to  believe  that  they  are  by  this  time 
complete  in  arms,  equipment,  means  of  transportation,  and  every  other 
physical  appbance  of  service. 

Why,  then,  do  they  tarry  ?  If  Napoleon,  with  sixty  thousand  undis- 
ciplined recruits,  scaling  the  frozen  fasines^es  of  the  Alps,  and  avoiding 
their  hostile  fortifications,  Cfiuld,  in  five  weeks,  reach  the  plains  of  Lom- 
bardy,  pierce  the  Austrian  lines,  and  annihilate  the  army  of  Melas,  a  bun- 
dled and  twenty  thousand  strong,  on  the  field  of  Marengo,  thereby  eman-^ 
cipating  the  while  of  Iialy,  shall  it  be  said  that  we  cannot  surmount4;he 
hills  of  Virginia  and  Kentucky,  in  spite  of  their  defences,  and,  penetra- 
ting to  the  heart  of  the  rebellion,  strike  in  detail  their  armies,  inferior  to 
our  owm  in  numbers,  arms,  equipment,  discipline,  and  all  that  constitutes 
the  true  soldier,  and  stretched  along  a  line  of  over  two  thousand  miles  in 
extent — des'ro}ing  the  heterogeneous  hosts  as  we  go,  or  f-cattering  them 
in  consternanon,  and  restore  to  the  rule  of  the  Republic  those  fair  regit^us 
now  cursed  by  a  usurpation  more  intolerable  than  that  of  the  Austrian, 
and  which  hcdds  in  bonds  of  terror  e\en  those  wretched  men  who  are 
comnii'tod    to   its  t-upport?     ^Ir.  I^resident,  to   doubt  i  ur  abdity  is  dis- 

gri;C(ful  ! 

Let  it  not  be  said  that  the  snows  of  winter  are  upon  us.     If  Washing- 


If) 

ton  could  march  his  barefooted  soldiers  over  the  frozen  roads  of  New  Jer- 
sey, lliMr  foot>tt^ps  marked  with  blood,  aud,  in  the  middle  of  wiri-er,  cross 
the  Delaware,  tilled  with  floiting  ice,  can  we  not,  at  the  same  sea>on,  mo'.e 
our  well-clad  legions  towaids  ihe  mild  val  eys  of  the  South,  to  re  establish 
that  freedom  Vvhich  tlieir  .sufferings  secured  ? 

Will  you  wait  till  hpring-,  when  the  roads,  if  ever,  will  become  impassa- 
ble? or  till  our  troops  shall  have  been  decimated  by  the  diseases  of  sum- 
mer ?  No.  Clear  this  war  of  the  doubts  that  surround  iis  purpose ;  give 
to  the  volunteer  a  baitle  cry  ;  cherish  that  enthusiasm  which  is  indispens- 
able to  success,  and  which  nerved  the  conscripts  of  Napoleon  to  the 
achievement  of  victory  without  reference  to  the  disparity  of  numbers. 
See  that  jour  volunteers  are  not  thrown  upon  artillery  without  prepara- 
tion ;  they  must,  see  the  guns,  count  them,  hear  the  whistle  of  their  balls, 
and  thus  prepared,  no  strength  of  fortifications  can  resist  them;  they  are 
the  most  effective  troops  on  earth.  He  who  doubts  this,  or  underrates 
them  in  comparison  wirh  others,  knows  buti  litile  of  their  energy  of  pur- 
pose, and  ttieir  devotion  to  their  country  and  their  fliig.  Where  such  au- 
Qfher  victory  ever  gained  upon  the  open  field  as  that  of  liuena  Vista'/ 
"iVenty  thou  and  wcll-di  cipliued  troops,  amply  supplied  with  artilh  ry, 
overthrown  by  foriy-six  hundred  ragged  American  volunteers.  Tho-e 
T7ho  wi  nessed  that  cuff  ct,  well  know  how  to  appreciate  ihe  indomitable 
fighting  qualiries  of  troops  like  ours. 

The  occupation  of  the  rebel  Stales  by  our  army  is  a  military  necessity. 
I  laugh  to  scorn  the  policy  of  wooing  back  the  tiaitors  to  their  ailegian  e 
by  seizing  and  holding  uuimporiant  points  in  those  States.  Every  invi- 
tation extended  to  thein  in  kindness  is  an  encouragement  to  stronger  re- 
sistance. The  exhauctiiig  pi)licy  is  a  failure.  So  lung  i.s  they  have  f  ur 
million  of  slaves  to  feed  them,  so  long  will  this  rebellion  be  sustained. 
My  word  for  it,  sir,  long  before  they  reach  the  point  of  exhausiiou  the 
people  of  this  countiy  w^iil  lose  confidence  in  the  r  rulers.  And  it  is  un- 
reasonable to  expect  the  loyal  citizens  of  the  rebvi  States  to  manliest  their 
desire  to  return  to  their  allegiance,  while  their  homes  and  families  are  in 
the  power  of  their  oppressors.  Did  the  Italians  welcome  Napoleon  till  he 
had  expelled  their  tyrants,  and  thereby  proved  his  ability  to  protect 
them  ?  So  with  the  people  of  the  disloyal  Stales  :  march  your  armies 
there ;  engage  and  scatter  the  forces  of  the  enemy  ;  whip  somebody  y 
evidence  your  ability  to  protect  the  loyal  citizens,  their  homes,  and  fami- 
lies ;  and  then,  and  not  till  then,  will  they  rally  to  }Our  standard  by 
thousands  and  tens  of  thousands. 

I  have  alluded,  Mr.  President,  to  the  slave  population  of  the  rebel 
States.  It  is  claimed  by  the  friend.s  of  slavery  that  the  institution  is  a 
source  of  military  strength.  The  slaves  are  made  not  only  to  feed  iiud 
clo;he  their  oppressors,  but  to  build  fortifications  for  their  defence  ;  and 
even  in  some  cases  to  bear  arms  in  their  service.  The  slaveholders  are 
right — and  they  are  wrong;  the  institution  is  an  element  of  streug  h,  but 
only  while  it  exists.  Withdraw  that  element,  and  this  rebellion  tails  of 
its  own  weight.  The  masters  will  not  work,  and  they  must  eat.  Now, 
they  are  fighting  to  retain  their  slaves,  exposing  their  lives  and  the  lives 
of  their  sons.  Suppose  we  had  their  slaves;  to  what  lengths  would  they 
not  go  in  an  opposite  direction,  in  the  hope  to  recover  them  ?  They  would 
bow  down  in  dutitul  submission,  even  to  Abraham  Lincoin  himself.  Iti 
my  opinion,  the  obtaining  possession  of  these  slaves  by  the.  Government 


U3 

would  be  more  effective  in  crushing  out  rebellion,  than  the  seizure,  if  it 
could  be  made,  of  every  ounce  of  ammunition  they  possess.  As  the  fear 
of  losing  their  slaves  is  now  the  incentive  to  war,  so  would  then  the  desire 
for  iheir  recovery  be  the  inducement  for  peace.  March  your  armies  into 
the  heart  of  their  Confederacy;  win  one  victory;  oppose  kindness  to 
cruelty;  and  as  the  peasantry  of  France  rallied  to  the  standard  of  Na- 
poleon on  his  return  from  Elba,  so  will  the  slaves,  with  one  impulse,  flock 
to  ours.  The  general  who  commands  that  army  will  be  received  with  the 
same  acclaim  as  was  Bonaparte  ;  they  will  hail  him  as  their  liberator  and 
friend,  and  by  their  very  numbers  will  secure  safety  to  his  army.  No 
trouble,  then,  in  obtaining  information  of  the  enemy's  operations.  In- 
terested in  our  success — grateful  as  they  will  be  faithful — every  move- 
ment will  instantly  be  reported  endangering  their  champions  and  pro- 
tectors. Peace  will  be  restored,  and  the  ca^ise  of  the  war  removed;  and 
t'jen,  in  these  halls,  in  the  interests  of  humanity  and  a  united  country,  we 
can  deliberate  and  do  justice. 

Mr.  President,  in  my  opinion  the  policy  of  fortifications  should  be  dis- 
carded. A  Capital  dependent  on  such  protection  is  not  worth  preserving  ; 
th«  only  sufficient  bulwark  for  its  defence  is  formed  by  the  loyal  breasts 
of  our  citizen  soldiery.  Think  no  more  of  barracks  for  winter  quarters; 
our  tr'^ops  do  not  desire  them.  Cheat  yourself  no  longer  with  the  delu- 
sive idea  ihat  your  camps  are  still  schools  ot  instruction;  henceforward 
your  lessons  must  be  taught  in  the  field.  Advance  rapidly,  and  strike 
boldly.  The  country  is  favorable ;  the  climate  invites  ;  the  cause  de- 
mands. Advance,  and  allis  accomplished;  the  Government  is  saved,  and 
freedom  is  triumphant, 


MCOILL  i   ■WITHEROW,   STEAM   PRINTERS, 

No,  271  Fenna.  Avenue,  VVasaington,  D.  C. 


